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Juan Girardi, one in the martyrology ... The nineties of Chavela

the night of April 26, is that eleven years after the assassination of Monsignor Juan Girardi, auxiliary bishop of the Diocese of Guatemala.



His controversial report claimed that during the years of civil war, the vast majority of recorded cases of violations human rights had come from the Guatemalan army. This petition signed his death warrant.

Your case confirms that the end of the war in Central America did not mean the arrival of peace, for the construction of this goes through structural reforms ls soften conditions of disadvantage and social exclusion of large majorities, which manages to impose civil powers over the military, but basically succeed in building a true national reconciliation impossible to build as long as impunity.

reconciliation must be built parallel to justice, not hide the abuse, and from the exercise of memory, can not hide what happened, can not deny the past, can not forget ...

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Today, Friday, April 17, Chavela Vargas meets ninetieth birthday. Perhaps the solo

born in Costa Rica's increased prominence in the international music scene, went through the same ordeal that many others in the cultural history of our country: the rejection of our hegemonic sectors.

Like many others, had to migrate and build your space elsewhere. In Mexico, hosted the event, and there built his career beyond the destroyed and there was reborn. There

found the love that you were forbidden here, there's accomplices did not have that here, beyond the company that was hidden here, but there too the loneliness of being single again ... Chavela

however, the same way that being quinceañera tied his pants-yes, his pants, not their petticoats, to go from here, in his seventy-rest were returned to tie and donned his blanket to show the world was not finished, but could leave his drunkenness and regain the scenarios that were once theirs ... and he did, and also won the stage to which she had not arrived.

When I was studying the years that one has nothing to lose, Chavela reinvented itself uninhibited, unrestrained, claiming sexual orientation, claiming the popular music, claiming the rebellion that has not lost his ninety ...

consummate interpreter of music in our America mourned, her figure filled theaters and movie screens, like one of those rare specimens that both say Almodóvar.

De Chavela much you can say, but what to hear, so she let it be to sing one of his most representative, Agustin Lara, Think of me.

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When U Unió no ...

has started the media campaign "officially" in the National Liberation Party, as expected given its troubling findings in the latest polls, is the tendency of Laura Chinchilla which starts in a much more aggressive. Announcing

standards in every possible way, waste of resources shows where the comparative advantages of this candidacy: in the party structure, mostly faithful to the Arias brothers and economic power to go for advertising as a fundamental tool campaign.

also relaunching its campaign with emphasis now on the motto of "Firmness and honesty" clearly shows two aspects which is a convenient distancing the government.

one hand, the recurrence to the theme of the strength (remember that "the boat captain needs?") Presents a reading which shows the need to reconstruct the lines of authority in the country, from a group relegitimation ruler.

On the other hand, this re-legitimation is possible only with "honesty." At a time when the government he until recently belonged Chinchilla surprise (is it any wonder?) With a pace of a corruption case a week or so, the wear begins to address the National Liberation, mainly in groups close to the clan Arias is evident. The discourse of honesty becomes crucial at this time.

The change in fortunes in the campaign of Laura seems to indicate a change in strategy to try to counter space has actually been losing, and that only with an aggressive, consistent, clearly that will overcome your rivals, you rebuild the axles thematic and away from the line of a beaten government could recover so lately, also rebuild their chances of success, which have been declining so far.

next month and a half will see how far this shift work, or if Laura U rather than unite, the collapsed ...

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of proposed changes in the balance of power

We commented in a previous post some aspects on the feasibility of convening a constituent assembly, and as the key point for the project's current government is a redefinition of the balance between the powers of the State, concentrating power in the executive, reducing control options currently on the legislature. The judiciary would be maintained without large variations and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal would be recognized degree of fourth power of the Republic, the electoral branch, and in practice works.

particularly striking that arises strengthening the executive branch, which obviously implies greater concentration of power in the presidency of the republic. A measure like this, though it has as a favor that could significantly accelerate time to resolution of a number of aspects, which would increase the possibilities of using short-term opportunities, is by itself a series of oppositions.

one hand, the current political landscape, with significant levels of political polarization is not shown as suitable for concentrating power in one figure. A simple reading of this situation leads us to think that far from attempting to create the consensus needed large, the solution which is chosen in this proposal is precisamenre obviate this way, through the empowerment of the executive.

Historically, a measure like this presents us with a kind of "return" to the situation prior to the current Constitution, precisely where the balance of power will greatly benefit the presidency of the republic. While we know that no conditions would be similar, it is clear that this model was in crisis at a time when political positions are polarized. Therefore, a return to similar patterns holds the risk of increasing political violence, as was the case.

Moreover, the alternative proposal would lead to a mechanism where government rather than concentrate power, he can force the completion of agreements. In this regard, during the Miguel Ángel Rodríguez administration is carried out a similar reading on the national political situation, however, it presents a substantially different project.

This, far from concentrating power in the Executive intends to transit to a semi-parliamentary system where the remaining powers to the presidency and moved to a prime minister and cabinet come out of Congress. To make this viable, logically restructure the legislature, increasing the number of its members and changing the selection criteria (national parliamentarians and circumscription would, would establish the "parliamentary career," among other changes). With

system like that, the coalition government would be essential, which change the meaning of the actions of minorities and opposition parties since before the filibuster, there would be need for consensus and reach agreements. Otherwise, they would lose all, since the option is to call early elections to allow "desentrabar" the state apparatus.

This proposal, however, has been forgotten, and apparently rejected by the current authorities, although we believe much more viable at this time a shift away from polarizing oblique to generate more participatory collective constructions.

Clearly, what clear, is that the same situation leads to different interpretations, and how from them, the proposed solutions to the same question can be diametrically opposed,